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Azerbaijan seeks ‘war crime’ suspects in sea of Karabakh refugees


Lachin Corridor (Azerbaijan) (AFP) – Azerbaijani border guards on Tuesday sought out “war crime” suspects among the Armenian refugees flooding out of Nagorno-Karabakh after Baku claimed control of the separatist statelet in a lightning offensive last week.

Thousands of Armenians are fleeing Nagorno-Karabakh in the wake of Azerbaijan's offensive
Thousands of Armenians are fleeing Nagorno-Karabakh in the wake of Azerbaijan’s offensive © Alain JOCARD / AFP

The number of people who entered Armenia following the operation surpassed 19,000 and continued growing, a day after a massive fuel blast on the edge of the separatist stronghold Stepanakert killed at least 20 people.

Most of the victims were stocking up on fuel for the trip along a twisting mountain road that offers the historically disputed region its lone link to Armenia.

Yerevan has warned of possible “ethnic cleansing” by Azerbaijan — a close ally of Armenia’s arch-nemesis Turkey — after Baku launched a 24-hour blitz that forced the rebels to agree to disarm last Wednesday.

Predominantly Christian Armenia and overwhelmingly Muslim Azerbaijan have fought two deadly wars over the territory since the Soviet Union’s 1991 collapse.

The area is now populated by up to 120,000 ethnic Armenians but is internationally recognised as part Azerbaijan.

The bad blood between the sides runs deep and is aggravated by memories of alleged wartime massacres of civilians and human rights abuses.

Nagorno-Karabakh: the evolution of the conflict
Nagorno-Karabakh: the evolution of the conflict © Valentin RAKOVSKY, Laurence SAUBADU / AFP

An AFP team allowed to access the refugees’ route to Armenia, on a tour organised by the Azerbaijani government, saw that most of the people crossing the border were women with children and the elderly.

The few Armenian men in their 20s and 30s coming out Tuesday were forced to stare into a camera for identification at the last Azerbaijani border post.

“Azerbaijan intends to apply an amnesty to Armenian fighters who laid down their arms in Karabakh,” an Azerbaijani government source told AFP.

“But those who committed war crimes during the Karabakh wars must be handed over to us,” the source said.

‘We fought well’

Armenia said earlier Tuesday that more than 19,000 refugees had fled since the first group arrived in the country on Sunday.

AFP reporters on both sides of the border saw hundreds of cars piled high with belongings moving slowly along the jam-packed road.

Some of the vehicles crept along on flat tyres, while many other people simply walked past the last Azerbaijani checkpoint.

Azerbaijani forces have shelled but still not entered the separatist stronghold Stepanakert
Azerbaijani forces have shelled but still not entered the separatist stronghold Stepanakert © Hasmik KHACHATRYAN / AFP

“They expelled us,” one man said as he walked past the Azerbaijani soldiers.

Yanik Zakaryan took part in last week’s fighting.

The 37-year-old, resting on the Armenian side of the border, said he was thankful for the Russian peacekeepers patrolling the region since Azerbaijan clawed back swathes of territory in a six-week war in 2020.

“We fought well, but at one point we found ourselves surrounded,” Zakaryan told AFP. “The Russians came to get us out.”

‘Horrific, painful burns’

The humanitarian drama was heightened by a blast late Monday that rocked a fuel depot thronged by crowds of refugees.

The separatist government on Tuesday said 13 bodies were found at the scene and seven more people had died of their injuries.

It said 290 people had been hospitalised and “dozens of patients remain in critical condition”.

An explosion at a fuel depot wounded more than 200 people, according to Armenian separatist authorities
An explosion at a fuel depot wounded more than 200 people, according to Armenian separatist authorities © Handout / Nagorno-Karabakh Human Rights Ombudsman/AFP

Azerbaijan allowed Red Cross teams to rush in ambulances to help treat the burn victims — and for Armenia to evacuate some by helicopter.

“This is an absolute tragedy for hundreds of people now suffering from horrific, painful burns,” International Committee of the Red Cross regional director Ariane Bauer said.

The victims’ treatment was being complicated by shortages of medication resulting from a nine-month blockade Azerbaijan had imposed to bring the region to heel.

Azerbaijan on Sunday turned on the electricity for Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh’s main city, as part of its broader “reintegration” drive.

Envoys from Baku and Yerevan were in Brussels on Tuesday to prepare the first meeting between their leaders since last week’s offensive, set for October 5.

The scale of the exodus prompted Armenian opposition leaders on Tuesday to call off six days of anti-government protests that have disrupted traffic in Yerevan, so that officials can focus on taking care of the refugees.

Stay or go?

The separatists said Tuesday that 208 people had died in last week’s fighting.

The sides have since held two rounds of closed-door talks mediated by Russia focused on putting the region under Baku’s control.

But Azerbaijan’s forces have still not entered Stepanakert or fully disarmed all the rebel fighters.

Many civilians in the region appeared to be tormented by debates — some of them spilling onto social media — on wether to stay or go.

Others argue that leaving now means that Armenians might never be able to return and lose the region for good.

Sveta Moussaylyan said this was the fourth time she had been forced to move because of the decades of strife and changes in control over tiny hamlets.

“I’m not that old, but I’ve already seen so much!” the 50-year-old said.

burs-zak/js

© 2023 AFP


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Exclusive Interview With Exiled Iranian Prince Reza Pahlavi


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VIRGINIA, UNITED STATES – 2002: Iran’s exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi. (Photo by Diana … [+] Walker/Getty Images)

Getty Images

Earlier this month I interviewed exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi to discuss what’s happening in Iran. You can watch the 25 minute video here. We cover a lot of topics mostly to do with economics.

The first thing I asked was what had changed since we last spoke five years ago.

Its unlikely that most Iranians will not see the light of freedom in Iran if the current regime remains in place, Pahlavi says.But he also says there is now a lot more bravery among the Iranian popes standing up to the regime.

I questioned him about the wisdom of the Biden administration announcing that it had cut a deal with Iran to release $6 billion of cash to the regime in Tehran and agreed to a prisoner swap which would result in the release of six U.S.-Iranian dual nations. Of course, the kicker to the wisdom question was the fact that the announcement occurred on September 11, the anniversary of a diabolical attack on America in 2001.

“The regime now knows this works,” Pahlavi says. “What is the message being sent here.?” In simple terms, the deal encourages the regime to do the same again and take more hostages.

Masha Act

At the same time, the Foreign Affairs Committee in Congress approved the Masha Act which put sanctions on certain individuals in the Iranian regime in the wake of the murder of Masha Amina a year ago during a anti regime protest.

The two events — the prisoner swap and the passing of the Masha Act — coincided and presented a seemingly bizarre dichotomy. On the one had send cash to Iran — a known state sponsor of terror — and on the other hand sanction certain high ranking individuals in the Iranian regime.

Among other things, Pahlavi notes that different pockets of the U.S. government make different choices.

On Iran skirting sanctions he says the sanctions are hurting Iran’s oppositions. There should be individual targeted sanctions on high ranking

The Current State and the Future

“About 60% of the country are under the poverty line,” Pahlavi says, and describe the rulers as a mafia. He has also assembled scientists and experts who can provide a road map to how Iran could operate int he event of a regime change. These include solar energy. “We already have a game plan,” he says.

The timing of a regime change depends on a policy of maximum pressure on the regime and support for the opposition, he says.

He also points to the importance of realizing that most Iranian don’t have blood other hands, just like most Germans didn’t in WWII. He says the rank and file who work in government need to understand that they will have a future in a new regime of representative government.

Of course, what happens next remains to be seen and its clear that the current regime which took over from the Shah in 1979 have kept a tight grip on the country’s society for the last four decades.


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I hope next decade will bring “much-dreamt” EU, NATO umbrella above Georgian sky – Georgian Parliament Speaker


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Georgian Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili on Tuesday expressed hope that the next decade would bring the “much-dreamt” European Union and NATO umbrella above the Georgian sky.

In his address at the Euro-Atlantic Resilience Centre in Bucharest, Papuashvili highlighted Georgia as a “reliable and responsible” EU and NATO partner, noting the country “has always been ready to contribute to European and Euro-Atlantic security despite the real and present danger of Russian reprisal for doing so”.

Recalling “the historic decision” of the 2008 Bucharest summit promising that Georgia and Ukraine would become members of NATO, Papuashvili said Georgia “has developed democratic institutions beyond NATO’s entry-level standards” and added the country’s “armed forces have become fully interoperable with the Alliance”, with the help and support of the partners.

It’s high time to have tangible progress in the political dimension of the integration process as well. Georgia shall be on the right side in the new security order that will be formed after the victory of Ukraine”, he noted.

“These turbulent times, which seem to be here to stay, are the right moment for the EU too to fulfil the role for which it was created: sustainable regional peace, security, and prosperity”, Papuashvili stressed.

The signing of the Association and Free Trade agreements and achieving a visa-free travel regime with the EU under the Georgian Dream administration were also emphasised by the Parliament Speaker.

Papuashvili also highlighted the process of the implementation of 12 priorities, outlined by the EU for granting its candidate membership status to the country, and said he expected that “Georgia’s performance will be assessed accordingly and respective decisions will be made based on merit along with considering wider geopolitical implications”.

Europe should make “strategic and forward-looking decisions” that will “firmly anchor Georgia – a future EU member state – to this common family of European democracies”, he noted.


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Brussels hosts meeting between Azerbaijani presidential assistant and Armenia’s Security Council secretary


Under the auspices of President Michel, his Diplomatic Advisers Simon Mordue and Magdalena Grono hosted a meeting between Assistant to the President of Azerbaijan – Head of the Foreign Policy Affairs Department of the Presidential Administration Hikmet Ha

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Security and Intelligence

Reddit Updates Gold System, Now Pays Contributors for Popular Posts


Reddit announced an update this week for its Reddit Gold system, the one where people could at one time affix gold badges to top-performing posts and comments to signify who’d made excellent …

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Sen. Bob Mendendez Refuses Calls to Step Down, Says He’ll Fight Federal Bribery Charges


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19,000 forcibly displaced persons enter Armenia from Nagorno-Karabakh


19,000 forcibly displaced persons enter Armenia from Nagorno-Karabakh
17:09, 26 September 2023

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 26, ARMENPRESS. 19,000 forcibly displaced persons have entered Armenia from Nagorno-Karabakh as of September 26, Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatryan said at a press conference. 

2,500 of them, who applied to the government for accommodation, have been provided accommodation. The accommodation process of another 1,200 is in process.

The remaining refused accommodation from the government and said that they have a place to stay.

The government of Armenia is providing accommodation to everyone in need.

“Everyone arriving here must be sure that they will have the necessary living conditions,” the Deputy PM said.


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The view from Baku: Is peace possible after another clash over Karabakh?


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Baku, Azerbaijan – After Azerbaijan’s one-day military operation in Karabakh last week, thousands of ethnic Armenians who dominated the region are fleeing, citing concerns about their rights and safety.

After declaring victory over the long-troubled mountainous area, Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev promised to protect them, describing them as “our citizens” in one breath, as he decried their “criminal” separatist leaders in another.

But many of the enclave’s Armenian speakers have reservations about Baku’s stated aims for a seamless integration process.

Azerbaijan has rejected these concerns, saying it has committed to safeguarding the rights of all residents, ensured urgent humanitarian challenges are being addressed, and held talks with representatives of the ethnic Armenian community. Aliyev’s administration says peaceful integration is possible, as long as separatists disarm and disband.

But Armenia says 13,350 “forcibly displaced persons” have entered the country following last week’s offensive.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have fought two wars for control of the region and an atmosphere of mutual hostility and distrust remains, despite the ceasefire which was agreed upon with the involvement of Russia, which has had peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh since the last conflict ended in 2020.

Azerbaijan was sharply condemned by Western powers for its September 19 attack, which it began after claiming six people died in two landmine accidents in the Azeri Khojavend district it blamed on separatists.

Armenia, which like Azerbaijan is a former Soviet nation, is in step with the international community as it officially recognises Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijan’s territory, but it had long called for its autonomy.

Yerevan has expressed disappointment in the Russian peacekeepers deployed to the area, saying they allowed Azerbaijan’s advance. Some Azerbaijanis too, are sceptical of Moscow’s role.

Azerbaijani political scientist Ilgar Valizadeh told Al Jazeera that Azerbaijan’s approach has shifted from making proposals to dictating terms.

In his view, Armenian speakers in Karabakh “must refrain from pursuing separatist tendencies going forward”.

“Any such instances will be met with immediate and stringent measures. People must adapt to this new reality, as citizens also bear responsibilities to the state,” he said.

Hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis were displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh and seven surrounding Azerbaijani-majority territories in the 1990s, when ethnic Armenians took control of these areas after a war that followed the Soviet Union’s collapse.

Valizadeh said he expects the return of Azerbaijanis to areas within the region, along with the revival of their culture, music, TV channels and the construction of mosques.

He said Azerbaijan must ensure these changes do not disrupt the life of ethnic Armenians, and that Baku should not be perceived as exerting ideological or moral pressure.

Zaur Shiriyev, an analyst of the International Crisis Group for the South Caucasus region, pointed out that expecting integration to occur overnight is unrealistic.

“The situation at hand is complex, grappling with the aftermath of a one-day military operation. Even before addressing existing humanitarian needs, there’s the task of implementing ceasefire terms which require the disarmament of local forces and dismantling existing structures in the Armenian-populated Karabakh,” Shiriyev said.

He emphasised the importance of a transitional period to protect the interests of Armenians living in the region to prevent chaos.

Meanwhile, concern is growing among Azerbaijan’s government about the potential for international repercussions.

Armenian leaders have accused Azerbaijan of planning to “ethnically cleanse” the region.

Some international organisations have called for a temporary evacuation, with the option for residents to return once stability is restored.

“Azerbaijani authorities should take immediate steps to ensure the safety and humanitarian needs of Nagorno-Karabakh’s ethnic Armenian population, allowing humanitarian access without delay,” Human Rights Watch said. “Azerbaijan should allow civilians who wish to evacuate temporarily to Armenia, as well as people in urgent need of medical care who wish to leave, while respecting their right to return.”

According to Shiriyev at the International Crisis Group, local representatives of Armenian speakers and Azerbaijani officials must engage in dialogue to discuss the role of Azerbaijani law in the region.

“Discussions and agreements on how to preserve the rights of the local populace are crucial. Otherwise, a forced integration could be doomed to fail from the outset,” he said.

Like many Azerbaijanis, Parvana Vagifgizi, a resident of Baku, has been glued to the news but said she has doubts that ethnic Armenian and Azerbaijani populations can live in harmony together.

After Azerbaijan’s Aliyev declared Baku had “restored sovereignty” to Nagorno-Karabakh, protests erupted in Yerevan against Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, with Armenians accusing him of abandoning the cause.

“I don’t trust the other party, they, themselves have created this lack of trust. When I see the rallies against Pashinyan and hear the slogans and calls from ordinary Armenians, it’s very concerning. Not everyone feels this way, but many of them seem to have a very negative opinion about us. Until trust is re-established, I don’t hold much hope for coexistence and integration.”

Maya Guliyeva, who is originally from the Agdam district, which Azerbaijan liberated in 2020, said she endured forced displacement for nearly 30 years.

Her eldest son, Khalid, was killed during the conflict known as the second Karabakh war. Unlike Vagifgizi, she believes peace is possible.

“Some Armenians have been living there since Soviet times, and you can’t forcibly remove someone from their home. However, there are others who do not wish to live with us. The Azerbaijani government should handle their departure in accordance with all the proper procedures.

“Those who are willing to live alongside us should also be given opportunities. This hostility needs to end, it must be resolved, and successful integration should be our goal.”

Source: Al Jazeera


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Operation "Doppelganger"

2024 Toyota Highlander Review, Pricing, and Specs – Car and Driver


With lots of standard safety tech and room for eight, the 2024 Toyota Highlander is a mid-pack player in the three-row SUV segment.

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The EU and Azerbaijan: Time to Talk Tough


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The events of the last week are triggering a debate on the need for a deep reset of Europe’s policy toward Azerbaijan.

It’s all about Karabakh, but it’s even bigger than that.

On September 19, Azerbaijan used military force to retake the Armenian-populated territory of Nagorny Karabakh, crossing a red line drawn for it by both the European Union and the United States.

The consequences are cataclysmic. The eventual casualties will run into the hundreds. Fearful for their future, thousands of Karabakh Armenians are now making a mass tragic exodus from their homeland to Armenia.

Many in Brussels and Washington feel shocked and betrayed by Azerbaijan’s use of force. Up until the last minute, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev was reportedly assuring high-level interlocutors—including European Council President Charles Michel and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken—that he would not launch a military operation.

At the United Nations, German foreign minister Annalena Baerbock, said it most clearly: “Baku broke its repeated assurances to refrain from the use of force, causing tremendous suffering to a population already in dire straits.”

An egregious aspect of this is that Azerbaijan was getting pretty much everything it wanted at the negotiating table. After years of deadlock and many equivocations, the Karabakh Armenians had agreed to talks with Baku, which would have resulted in a deal on some kind of integration into Azerbaijan. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had acceded to the international norm in acknowledging Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, including Nagorny Karabakh.

So it can’t be business as normal. The human rights issue is now crucial. Baku says that it is in full control of the region and that remaining Armenians have nothing to fear. Yet that is not how bitterly contested ethnic conflicts are fought, when armed groups are sent into civilian areas. There many reports of abuses by Azerbaijani soldiers coming from Armenian sources.

Having thus far rejected efforts to send in an international monitoring mission to the region, Baku bears a great responsibility here. It is not so easy to hide war crimes in the digital age. If atrocities are confirmed in Baku’s war of choice or remaining Karabakhis suffer abuse, there should be calls for prosecution of the abusers concerned, along with cases in the European Court of Human Rights.

The geopolitical implications of this are also significant.

The fact that Western actors were blindsided strengthens the supposition that Aliyev cleared his military assault in advance with Moscow—which then failed to condemn Baku—and is coming into closer alignment with Russia. That is all the more relevant as the next big issue is the planned transport route across Armenia to Azerbaijan’s exclave of Nakhchivan. Russia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey all have a shared interest in imposing their own version of what the latter two call the Zangezur Corridor with as little Armenian control of the route as possible—and perhaps by force.

Aliyev has also started to use the irredentist term “Western Azerbaijan” to describe southern Armenia, also known as Zangezur, which had a substantial Azerbaijani population in the early twentieth century. Last December he designated the creation of a “West Azerbaijani community” and said “they must be able to return to their native lands.”

Aliyev qualified that this return would happen “peacefully.” But after what happened in Karabakh, how seriously can reassurance be taken?

There is a context, of course, that Azerbaijan has been a victim too. Azerbaijanis have compelling stories to tell about the 1990s that many do not know—and which I tried to tell in my book Black Garden. In the first Karabakh war, both sides committed acts of ethnic cleansing, but Azerbaijan undoubtedly came off worse. Hundreds of thousands of displaced people driven from lands captured by Armenian forces deserved sympathy—probably more sympathy than they often got internationally.

That’s a reason to avoid the civilizational discourse that still lingers in some European circles, especially in France and on the Christian right, who say Azerbaijanis are somehow inherently genocidal.

But after the 2020 war, when Azerbaijan recovered its lands by force, the “occupation” excuse lost its relevance. When statesmanship was called for, President Aliyev stayed aggressive. In May this year he gave a bellicose speech in which he told the Armenians that they should either “bend their necks” in defeat or face worse consequences.

Aggression continues on the home front, too. Azerbaijan’s democracy ranking with Freedom House is rock-bottom. In July the well-known economist and opposition activist Gubad Ibadoghlu, linked to U.S. universities and the London School of Economics, was arrested on palpably bogus charges and is now in ill health in detention.

Baku’s main sales pitch in the West is about business and geography—its status as the only country located between Russia and Iran with east-west oil and gas and transport infrastructure as a link in the so-called Middle Corridor.

In Western capitals this frequently produced a silo effect. One part of the establishment—in the Brussels case, Michel and the European External Action Service—would press for peacemaking and resolution of the conflict with Armenia. Another—the European Commission in Brussels—would hold talks with Baku on energy and transport projects.

In an ill-conceived act of public diplomacy in July 2022, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen went to Baku, struck a deal with the EU’s “partner” Azerbaijan to provide extra volumes of gas to the EU, and did not even mention the words “conflict,” “peace,” or “Armenia” in public.

Azerbaijan will always be a transport hub, but there are two caveats to the pitch. First, experts conclude that the EU gas deal is very unlikely to deliver the promised high volumes of gas—a declining asset in the green transition anyway. To achieve export levels of more than 3 or 4 billion cubic meters would require upgrading infrastructure and confronting the often-overlooked fact that Russia and Iran are also stakeholders in the South Caucasus gas pipeline.

Secondly, connectivity and conflict are inextricably linked. The Middle Corridor route, running from China through Central Asia to Europe via the South Caucasus, is a multi-country route that also involves Armenia. It needs regional cooperation to work—and almost certainly funding from Western governments and international financial institutions.

In short, it is time for the EU to talk a lot tougher with Azerbaijan.